A Missiological Response to the Challenge of Nationalism in Europe

The Christian’s response to the cultural context should be faithful to Christ’s example, and relevant to changing cultural contexts. This means that in some situations, we can identify with our nations and affirm our national identity in as much as they are diverse and particular expressions of a God-given humanity, for example, where in our nation’s culture or relations with other nations, something of the created image or revealed purpose of God for humanity is expressed.   

However, to the extent that nations and nationalism express idolatry and reject God’s image and purpose, our calling is to separate ourselves from those aspects of culture, and to live as members of the holy nation of God’s people in the midst of the nation.  As God’s ultimate purpose is to restore all things in Christ, in many situations, we must seek to transform a culture in the light of the gospel, so that tangible signs of the coming Kingdom of God may be expressed (Storrer, 1990, pp. 163-173).

If we are to succeed in this, we must first have a very clear understanding of our identity and mission as a holy nation (1 Peter 2.9-10). If we lose our sense of identity and become complicit in the idolatry of the nation, our prophetic voice to the nation will be lost.  Within the Christian community, our standing has nothing to do with national identity, and we should be passionate about the unity of the church, which transcends ethnic and cultural boundaries.  In our engagement in the nation, we should promote values that include the just treatment of minorities, hospitality towards migrants, and solidarity with neighbouring countries, not division or conflict. We must be prepared to challenge a state that does not comply with these principles and to oppose those advocating an exclusionary or nationalistic agenda.  At the same time, we should show compassion to those who feel dispossessed or fearful, and are attracted to nationalism, by advocating a just society and by engaging in incarnational ministries that address the issues of those who are disadvantaged .

In the European context, we are living in cultures with an identity crisis. Many of us have yet to work out how to be faithful to our calling within that situation

In the European context, we are living in cultures that have an identity crisis, and many of us have yet to work out how to be faithful to our calling within that situation.  Most European countries are pluralist democratic societies, many with a secular humanist hegemony, although some have a Catholic or Orthodox majority.  Many have significant minorities belonging to other faiths, which have universalist identities such as Islam, raising issues of exclusion.  As Taylor notes, 21st century Europe is largely secular in the sense that religious uniformity has ceded to a plurality of options (2007, p.3). This raises significant challenges both for believers and unbelievers; for Christians, who see other groups as a perceived threat to the “Christian heritage” of Europe, and for secular states and secular thinkers who see plurality and religious difference as a source of deep concern requiring control.

The concerns raised by Islam have been evident at EU level for many years, with the debate about Turkey’s application for membership being particularly contentious. (Hogan, 2009, p.4).  They are also evident at national level in many European countries where there is a debate about the extent to which a society should adapt its existing norms and legislative provisions to accommodate religious practices that are untypical of the host country (Silvestri, 2011, pp. 24-27).   The views of Sayyid Qutb, one of the ideological authorities of radical Islamism, who seeks complete predominance in the form of the imposition of sharia law and the unequal distribution of political rights, is clearly not compatible with liberal democracy. (Biggar. 2009, Pp. 328-9).  The response of secular humanists to the recent attacks in France by radical Islamists is to reinforce a policy of laïcité.  Although the approach of the UK, the Netherlands, and Belgium relies more on multiculturalism than assimlationism, in all European countries, there are increasing calls for Muslims to integrate.  But it is not clear what values they are being asked to adopt.  Furthermore, many secularists consider that all religion should be relegated to the private realm.  

Our response should be a refusal to allow the Christian message to be banished from the public square and a rejection of the temptation to withdraw from engagement in society.  As Hogan says, many issues that appear private are also political issues (Hogan, 2009, p.2). At the same time, we must resist all attempts to attract them to nationalism, which is closely linked to authoritarianism, as a response to the hurt caused by the loss of social influence and of perceived Christian values in a society of ethnic and religious pluralism.  A key question for Christians, (and also for Muslims) is to determine what principles of liberal democracy a religion which makes exclusive claims must affirm in a society in which there are other such religions (Wolterstorff, 2009, p.26) and, it should be added, a significant proportion of the population who do not accept the claims of any of them.   Christian engagement should not be strident, neither seeking to dominate or to control.  As Biggar says (2009, p. 192), even if fruitful debate in the public square does not need a uniform public reason, it does need a common manner or a public reasonableness, a shared ethic of communication, based on a recognition of the human dignity of those who do not share its views. 

In their consideration of biblical principles, we should consider carefully before drawing parallels between the facts of a situation today in which a community of God’s people finds itself in relation to a modern secular state, and features of specific periods of Israel’s history.  Christians in contemporary Europe are tempted to look at the past, and to seek to apply principles drawn from Israel as a theocracy.  But Israel found God in all its circumstances; living under the oppression of Egypt, nation building, exile and living as a minority in Babylon. We need a balanced understanding of their political and social responsibilities within states that do not acknowledge God but are still part of His world (Wright, C., 2004. pp.246-7).   For us this means understanding that it is no longer the function of the state to promote the Christian faith.  That is the responsibility of the church.  It is part of the dignity of human beings, created in the image of God, that they are free to choose to worship God, or not, without coercion.  (Wolterstorff, 2009, pp.33-36).  Christian communities need to become more comfortable with being one of the players in society and promoting human flourishing from the social margins (Volf, 2011, p.79).

To conclude, nationalism poses a serious threat to the stability of nearly every country in Europe.  At a time of economic and social crisis it attracts those who feel dispossessed.  This includes Christians in countries that are majority Orthodox or Catholic who are anxious to maintain the influence of the Church against growing secularism and the competing claims of other religions, as well as Christians in western Europe dismayed by the perceived loss of Christian values. However, none of the nationalist movements in contemporary Europe advocate biblical values.  Instead, they promote the national self-interest of a particular ethnic or religious group to the exclusion of others both within the nation and in neighbouring countries, and foster hostility and division.   Christians must, therefore, challenge the idolatry of nationalism, maintain the unity of the church, and explore ways of engaging in public life that promotes the good of all.

Rosemary Caudwell, Student, MA in European Mission and Intercultural Christianity, Redcliffe College

References

  • Biggar, N. ‘Conclusion’ in eds. Biggar, N. and Hogan, L. (2009) Religious Voices in Public Places, Oxford. Oxford University Press..

  • Hogan, L. in eds. Biggar, N. and Hogan, L. (2009) Religious Voices in Public Places. Oxford. Oxford University Press. 

  • Silvestri, S. ‘Does Islam Challenge European Identity’ in eds. Faltin, L. and Wright, M.J. The Religious Roots of Contemporary European Identity (2011) London. T&T Clark.  Pp. 14-28.

  • Storrer, W. (1990) Scottish Identity. A Christian Vision. Edinburgh. The Handsel Press. 

  • Taylor, C. (2007) A Secular Age. Harvard University Press.

  • Volf, M. (2011)  A public faith Grand Rapids, Michigan. Brazos Press.

  • Wolterstorff, N. ‘Why Can’t We All Just Get Along with Each Other?’ in eds. Biggar, N. and Hogan, L. (2009) Religious Voices in Public Places. Oxford. Oxford University Press. Pp. 17-36.

  • Wright, C. (2004) Old Testament Ethics for the People of God. Downers Grove, Illinois. IVP.